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Party Tourism; the Effects of a Drug Sub-Culture in Ibiza Essay Example

Party Tourism; the Effects of a Drug Sub Party Tourism; the Effects of a Drug Sub-Culture in Ibiza Paper Party Tourism; the Effects of a Drug Sub-Culture in Ibiza Paper The following report examines the impact of party tourism in Ibiza, Spain. Ibiza has been widely regarded as the best spot for party tourism in the world and the amount of tourists visiting the destination for the sole purpose of partying replicates this trend. However, this type of tourism is not ideal and the pressure it creates on a small destination is quite extensive. The report gives insight into the amount of drugs taken by individuals, with the findings indicating the majority of visitors who use back home increase their amount when holidaying in Ibiza. For those who do not use at home, 16 per cent experimented for the first time while in Ibiza. Details are also given into the usage patterns of casual labour working in Ibiza over the summer period. The report shows the impact drugs have on a destination and in particular Ibiza, where increase in crime has become a major issue with gangs fighting for the drug trade. Moreover, a description for the potential damage this tourism market has on a destination’s image is reported, with most other forms of tourists beginning to relocate elsewhere. A comparison with an Australian Capital City is entailed. The results show similar drug usage, however Melbourne has more government support for strategies combating the use of illicit drugs in nightclubs. Finally, some recommendations of potential strategies to minimise drug consumption in Ibiza are discussed at the conclusion of the paper. Introduction 90 kilometres off the coast of Spain lays the island of Ibiza, home to 2. 6 million visitors per annum (Botsford, 2001). The figure may not seem immense, although considering Spain recorded an annual visitation number of 53. million in 2006 (UNWTO, 2007), and up to date tourist numbers in Ibiza would to represent a high increase in tourism arrivals, it is a large number in relation to the tourism market Ibiza attracts. Previously known for a culture of laid back attitudes and a hippie orientated life style, Ibiza soon started to attract tourism growth with the increase of music events and nightclub developments from owners already established in the United Kingdom (Horner, Swarbrooke, 2004: 230). Over the course of four decades stretching from the 70’s, Ibiza’s tourist market began to alter. The easy going lifestyle and relaxed atmosphere started to disperse, instead changing into a destination of constant late night partying and drug influenced tourists. â€Å"Ibiza has become synonymous over the past two decades with the drug-infested clubbing, or raving, subculture. Every summer, young tourists visit the destination and escape into drugs, alcohol, non-stop dancing and anonymous sexâ€Å" states (Harman, 2002). (Curley, 2007) reinforces this comment, although suggests that the drug culture has been symbolic for decades, â€Å"since late 1960’s drugs have been a factor in attracting tourists to Ibiza†. The increasing demand for party tourism in Ibiza has seen an increase in the amount of drugs available in nightclubs and party spots in Ibiza. (Chesshyre, 2001) supports this matter by stating, â€Å"Drugs, if you want them, are freely available in Ibiza. I was approached countless times during my visit. † Instances like these would be considered remarkable if, for instance, were reported from Venice or Hawaii, but it would appear now that this drug sub-culture that rules Ibiza has affected the island on many levels. However, there is the perception that Ibiza has become dependant on party tourism for economic growth and for the summer months when the party tourists are there, Ibiza residents like Pablo Vincente resent the clubbers, but benefit from the tourism money they bring in. â€Å"We complain, but we need them† (Harman, 2002). For the party tourist, why would you go anywhere else to experience the nightlife? This is the destination that charges 12 euros for a standard alcoholic beverage, but yet the cost of a pill that keeps you going for hours cost 5 (Govan, 2007). The question to be addressed however is what damage is this tourism market having on Ibiza’s destination image and local residents? Drug use patterns in Ibiza A key factor in the increasing use of recreational drugs is their association with nightclubs and dance music (Forsyth, Barnard McKeganey, 1997). The modern phenomenon of clubbing (late-night dancing, often in combination with drug use) was imported, largely from Ibiza, by individuals holidaying abroad and then returning to recreate the combination of modern dance music and ecstasy use in their country of resident (Garret, 1998, p. 29). The figures below show the increases in drug use and sexual activity in Ibiza by first time users and the increase in drug taking for those who use at home and then when visiting Ibiza. Tourist Tourists who use recreational drugs in their home of origin have a propensity to increase their levels of substance use when in Ibiza. (Bellis, Hale, Bennett, Chaudry Kilfoyle, 2001) undertook a study to compare drug use among UK residents to that of their use in Ibiza. The key findings of the report found that 12 per cent of 16 to 29 year olds in the UK general population have used recreational drugs at some time, however in Ibiza 51. per cent of young visitors use illegal drugs on holiday. Of the major party drugs, 43. 1 per cent of tourists use ecstasy, 37. 5 per cent use cannabis and 24. 6 per cent use cocaine. For first time users â€Å"an increasing number of young British holidaymakers begin experimenting with illicit drugs at top clubbing resorts† (Bjortomt, 2003). The same author reports that those taking ecstasy in Ibiza for the first time has risen 16% from 1999 to 2002. 17. 4 and 33. 1 per 1000 people were introduced to cocaine and ecstasy use, respectively in Ibiza. For those tourists who constantly use recreational drugs at their place of origin, (Hughes, et. l, 2004) identifies that for ecstasy, 2. 9% of users in the UK who used the drug 5 or more times a week rose to 42. 6% whilst holidaying in Ibiza. Seasonal Employee Those people who travel to Ibiza for seasonal work in holiday resorts, nightclubs or bars (Hughes, Bellis Chaudry, 2004) conducted a survey to identify the level of drug use among casual labour in Ibiza, compared to that of visitors from the UK. As the research determines, those participating in casual labour are more likely to use illicit drugs when working in Ibiza than when working in the UK. Furthermore, casual labour used different types of drugs more frequent but used drugs on average two days a week, less frequent than recreational tourists in Ibiza. Sexual activity patterns in Ibiza Tourist Major concern for the island and home origin of the tourist is the amount of sexual activity that is evident in Ibiza. (Bellis, Hale, Bennett, Chaudry Kilfoyle, 2001) identify that 53. 8 per cent of tourists to Ibiza had sexual intercourse during their stay, with 26. 2 per cent not using protection and 23. 2 per cent having more than one sexual partner. These figures indicate a major problem for the spread of sexually transmitted infections in both Ibiza, with multiple partners being used without protection, and then the transference of these diseases to the home destination. Seasonal Employee For casual labour on the island, (Hughes Bellis, 2006) identify that 80. 5 per cent of casual labour in Ibiza had sexual intercourse with 65. 5 per cent having unprotected sex. The mix of drugs and sex among tourists and casual labour has become a risk for the sexual health of individuals and a potential conduit for the international spread of sexually transmitted infections. Destination Ibiza as a sense of ‘freedom’ The increase in drug taking and sexual activity can be described by (Dann, 2007) who developed a paper titled ‘Tourist Behaviour As Controlled Freedom’ with the purpose of identifying the correlation between a tourists perception of appropriate behaviour when on holiday to that of when they are in their home of origin. The paper suggests tourists assume the perception that the home environment portrays a lack of freedom to the individual through the idealisation of government laws and the sense that their lives are somewhat controlled by the notion of what is right and what is wrong. For the individual looking for a tourism experience, the event of taking a holiday can create a temporary respite from social incarceration – the pressures of a normal existence. Dann’s model in contrast with Ibiza is best described by (Bjortomt, 2003) as, â€Å"once abroad in Ibiza, the sense of freedom and atmosphere of excess means that some individuals who have never used drugs experiment. † It emphasises the argument from Dann that the individual gets empowered by the thought of ‘no boundaries’ whilst on holiday. With Spain playing host to 58. 5 million tourists in 2006 (UNWTO, 2007), and most of them looking for the escape of sun and sand, it’s a probable thought that the individual who visits Ibiza is looking to challenge the system that restricts them on a daily basis in their home environment. Influence of drugs in Ibiza The Tourism Market Once thought of as a hot-spot for lucrative market tourists, the new breed of tourism that Ibiza now attracts rivals most world destinations in terms of returning visitors (Nash, 2008). This new tourism market is known as party tourism. (Horner Swarbrook, 2004: 236) define party tourists as â€Å"tourists travelling to a destination with the purpose of experiencing the nightlife of a destination†¦consisting of dancing, consuming alcohol and as this report indicates, participating in drug related activities. The scope of party tourists that enter Ibiza is from a large population. (Gardiner, 2007) states that, â€Å"Ibiza attracts party people of every age and demographic. However, (Hughes, 2004) reports that 250 000 Britain’s aged between 18 and 30 travel there each year, suggesting that they are the main scope of the tourism market. A Drug Based Economy Just before the start of the 2007 clubbing season, three of Ibiza’s major nightclubs were closed down by police in what they described as â€Å"a preventative measure to make these clubs deal with the issue of drug dealing and consumption of patrons inside the venues† (Botsford, 2001). The closure lasted one month. The statement is an example of how much the Ibiza economy relies on tourists to support it. If local law enforcement agencies cannot implement a strategy long enough for it to have effect, as lost economic income is too great, then implementing any strategies that targets nightclubs will not be effective. Property Value The drug culture impacts highly on property owners in Ibiza. The seasonality of tourists entering Ibiza chasing the warm beach weather has implications on owners who rely on party tourists to rent their properties for various lengths of stay. (McDonald, 2007) reports that the hot, hedonistic summer period is when owners of rental properties will make most, if not all of their money. (Warncke, 2007) reports that when three of the islands major nightclubs, DC-10, Bora Bora and the world-famous Amnesia were closed in early 2007, it had a damaging effect on the tourism industry on the island. â€Å"News of the closures led to people cancelling their trips to the island,† stated (McDonald, 2007). Reliance on tourists for business income and employment For the summer periods in Ibiza, locals rely on the vast number of tourists entering the island to generate a majority of their income. Furthermore, the party tourism market that comes seasonally generates a large number of jobs for locals and working tourists (Hughes Bellis, 2006). Strategies by police and tourism officials with the purpose of restricting party tourism would damage the direct spending of visitors through fewer arrivals, therefore economic income for local businesses and employment opportunities would decrease. Suppliers of illegal drugs High concern for the Ibiza Tourism Commission has to be the amount of illegal drug supply that is easily available to those who want it (Chesshyre, 2001). The majority of supply is coming from the UK through rival drug dealers –one from Liverpool, the other a mixture of people from Newcastle and Morocco (Counzens, 2006). The article proposes that expat gangs have traditionally moved their operations to feed the summer demand for ecstasy and cocaine in Ibiza’s nightlife scene. The introduction of rival suppliers has had devastating impacts in Ibiza. (Townsend, 2006) reports that a spate of contract killings, some of Britain’s most wanted criminals and an illegal drug trade that links San Antonio to drug syndicates in most major UK cities are evident in Ibiza. In the same article, it is revealed that, â€Å"police believe hundreds of kilos of cocaine and hundreds of thousands of ecstasy tablets have been successfully dispatched to the 12-mile strip of sand and rock in the Mediterranean. † The supply of illegal drugs into Ibiza is an issue that needs to be addressed by governments in Ibiza and the UK. It is evident that the main supply comes from the UK, therefore the UK government has a duty to stop the illegal supply of drugs exiting their country and as shown, infecting another. Ibiza doesn’t have the resources to stop the supply of hard drugs entering their country, and assistance is required from the UK. Nightclubs and Police Involvement It is unclear whether nightclub owners and their employees and local law enforcement and are involved in the facilitation of drug dealing within the clubs however (Chesshyre, 2001) suggests that the island has tactically accepted drug dealing, and that police have effectively turned a blind eye to the problem for fear of destroying a lucrative tourist industry that attracts thousands of visitors each summer. Moreover, when asking a nightclub owner what would happen if police were to crack down on drugs in clubs, he noted, â€Å"I think most of the clubs would go under – and that just won’t happen†¦drug culture is one of the most important parts of clubs. † Consequence of a party culture Destination Image Ibiza first attracted the attention of artists, models, movie stars and musicians in the 60s and 70s. It was then the hippie clique descended on the island to practice yoga or to enjoy all-night parties and philosophical conversations around bonfires on the beach. The island had the image of a place to relax, somewhere to lose oneself in the tranquillity of sand and sun. Fast forward to the 80s and Ibizas hippie attraction was starting to fade. By then the island had begun to carve out a reputation as the place to go if you wanted the best nightclub experience that Europe perhaps even the world had to offer (NW, 2007). The shift in destination image also changed the tourism market. Tourists are now looking for the all night dance experience that floods the streets of Ibiza. Josefa Mari, head of Ibiza’s tourism and economic department, states that â€Å"the clubbing scene forms only a tiny part of what the island offers, but it’s what defines us internationally, and it’s damaged our image† (Nash, 2008). Ibiza is not alone in terms of the destination image being revolved around all night partying. Miami, South Florida, is also world renowned for tourists looking for the party experience whilst soaking up the sun on the beach during the day (McClure, 2008). However, Ibiza’s differentiation strategy, whether they want it or not, is dangerous. Ibiza is directly linked to the notion that a drug-culture is embedded in the tourism experience, as (Chesshyre, 2001) notes â€Å"drugs, if you want them, are freely available in Ibiza. † (Nash, 2008) suggests Ibiza’s tourism and economic department are trying to push the focus of Ibiza tourism to more nature-based experiences, with the hard partying scene being scaled down and in some cities, phased out. It would appear though, through the lack-lustre effort to control the party scene for the past decade, significant damage to Ibiza’s destination image has been done. Crime The impact of crime increase in Ibiza has damaged the belief of safety that an individual demands when participating in tourism (Weaver Lawton, 2006: 104). The rivalry between gangs competing for drug market-share has spilled out into the streets, affecting the safety of tourists visiting Ibiza. (Couzens, 2006) reports that a â€Å"shocking street gunfight between rival British gangs erupted with an 18 year old man touring the island shot in the face, spending a week in the hospital and another man being hit in the chest. Neither of the two had affiliations with the gangs. Other reports of crime rise come from (Fuchs, 2006) who reported that a group of tourists staying in a high-rise apartment were broken into twice in one week, having their belongings stolen on both accounts. (Marinos, 2004) identifies that Spain has one of the highest rates of drug related rapes in the world, with 244 rape victims reported in 2002. Crime experiences like these affect Ibiza in two ways. Firstly, there is an element of cocooning among tourists when they enter a resort on the island. They will often stay close to the resort and wont venture across the island in fears of having being burgled or worse, raped. Secondly, Ibiza is trying to change its destination image. Tourists who can change this are those who spend money in the communities and are their for a relaxation experience, not partying. However, this tourist demographic will not visit the island if they feel a sense of insecurity. If Ibiza is too attract a new tourism markets, or increase markets they see as importance in changing their destination image, then the government needs to take a string stand on eradicating their underlying drug-culture. Drugs In Nightclubs: An Australian Perspective In the capital city of Melbourne, Victoria, the party scene has developed into a major tourism market. It is common for intrastate and interstate travellers to fly or drive into Melbourne for the weekend and party for two days straight, returning home on the Sunday evening. The party tourism phenomenon is an existing market that has seen major developments in Melbourne over the past decade with the introduction of cheap domestic flights and nightclub incentives of free entry and free drink cards upon early arrival. Moreover, the affordable costs of a two night stay at a backpackers and the extra amount of discretionary income available for young people has seen this tourism market develop extensively. (Symons, 2004) reports that a study undertaken by the Australian Drug Foundation found that 60 per cent of patrons in Melbourne’s clubs and bars had tried ecstasy over the past six months. This pattern is not confined to Melbourne. The (National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, 2001) found it â€Å"staggering† that 20 per cent of people aged between 20 -29 had taken ecstasy. That figure is now taken conservatively as it was taken from the population in 2001. â€Å"It is clear that illicit drug use is relatively common among groups of Australian people, notably those involved in clubbing, dance music and alternative music subcultures† states (Holt, 2005) after conducting a study of drug use among youth in Australia. At the nightclub industry scene, Brendan Prendergast – president of Australia’s Crowd Control Employee’s Association – comments that â€Å"the Australian public’s only hearing the tip of the iceberg when it comes to drug use in Melbourne. Prendergast, who worked as a crown controller for 30 years, believes that a major reason why drugs are such an issue is because of the amount of illegal crowd controllers working in clubs and pubs (Nolan, 2007). This statement presents a relationship between Melbourne nightclubs and Ibiza nightclubs in regards to the involvement of nightclub employees in the facilitation of drugs in nightspots and as (Chesshyre, 2001) acknowledges; a major problem with the amount of drugs available in Ibiza has a connection with nightclub owners and security personal on the island. The difference between Melbourne and Ibiza, in relation to drug use in party nightspots, is the amount of preventative measures from within both the nightclub industry and strategies at local and national governments to prevent drug use. A report produced by the Australian National Council of Drugs (Price, 2000) discussing the issues of drug use in Melbourne states that â€Å"there are a number of judicial and police-diversion strategies being funded in the Melbourne area targeting drug use at the venue. In Ibiza however, drug preventative measures inside the venue are relatively scarce with (Govan, 2007) commenting, â€Å"Clubs are policed by their own security guards, with dealers still managing to ply their trade easily. † At the government level, drug strategies are non-funded and the introduction of preventative strategies through heavier police involvement in nightclub venues is desperately needed to stop the dealing of illicit drugs to new and existing users. Preventat ive Measures/ Minimisation Strategies – Interventions in dance music resorts (Bellis, Hughes, Bennett Thomson, 2003: 1717) identify that interventions are urgently needed in dance music resorts to prevent non-drug users from experimenting with illicit drugs and users from moving into a wider range of substances. Such interventions are currently scarce and therefore represent a missed opportunity to reduce the spread of illicit drug use. Moreover, (Deehan Saville, 2003) undertook a study to determine the scope of recreational drug use amongst clubbers in the South East of England. Key findings from the report found that many recreational drug users have actively sought out information about the potential health consequences arising from drug use and took measures to minimise the risk. This indicates the willingness that clubbers are likely to be receptive towards the provision of practical, evidence-based information focusing on safe use and reducing harm. Drug minimisation strategies related to Ibiza should focus on having educational information at major nightclub venues through either flyers in restrooms or leaflets upon entry. Furthermore, the same approach can be utilised at the hotels of interest for these club tourists to indicate the risk and minimise use before the individual is caught up in the nightclub atmosphere. Administering nightclub and after party curfews â€Å"The problem is that the party is non-stop†¦it’s difficult to keep going if you don’t take drugs† states Juan Pantaleoni, San Antonio’s town spokesperson (Fuchs, 2006). San Antonio, a town in Ibiza, is a renowned hot spot for British tourists looking to escape the pressures of home-life and party all night. It is San Antonio however that has started to deal with the issue of all night parties. Before the opening of its party season in 2007, the government banned so-called â€Å"after parties†, which start when the clubs close their doors and often run until noon that day. This strategy minimised the amount of drug influenced people on the streets during the day, reducing the potential risks of violence and contact with tourists who are not attracted to the destination for the party scene (Botsford, 2001). Ibiza would benefit from implementing the same strategy as San Antonio as its potential for success has been realised and regardless of the fact that it won’t stop drug taking, it will enable other tourists and locals to feel safer during the day. Cooperation between Ibiza government and origin destination Cooperation between the Ibiza government and that of tourists’ home country is desperately needed to help minimise the demand for first time drug users to experiment with drug taking. Focusing on the UK market, the demand for tourists to enter Ibiza’s party culture is an extensive market, with (Botsford, 2001) reporting that 700 000 British tourists arrive at the destination per year. Education for the tourist before they arrive in Ibiza is needed, wit possible strategies including information flyers at airports or on the plane, and information websites on the dangers of drug taking specific to the Ibiza nightlife. As presented earlier, individuals are open to risk information and having a wider spread of information outlets will increase the amount of tourists coming into contact with risk educational material. Bellis, Hughes Lowey, 2002) state that some countries have already developed approaches to nightlife health. However, growth in the international travel associated with nightlife and the additional risks posed by nightclubbing in an unfamiliar country mean both interventions and basic health and safety measures are now required on an international basis. Conclusion The impact of drugs within Ibiza is something of serious concern for government officials and the future of tourism at the destination. Ibiza has adopted a drug culture that is not only affecting the island and its residents, but is starting to develop a negative destination image. Immediate strategies to combat the ‘out of control’ spiral that party tourism is having on the destination are needed, and these strategies must be implemented and evaluated efficiently. A drug sub-culture is a problem for Ibiza to attract other potential tourism markets with many wanting the perception of safety and relaxation when on a holiday. The party tourism arket is starting to restrict the experience of other tourists, and if strategies aren’t implemented, these tourists will start to relocate elsewhere. Ibiza would benefit from understanding the scope of drug problems in countries where the majority of their tourists come from to get insight into the drug implementation strategies that have been proven to work. It is crisis time for Ibiza and cooperation between local governments, the Spaniard government and ni ghtclub owners is needed to restrict the drug issue as a whole industry, instead of trying to implement strategies that don’t have the funding or support of key stakeholders. Ibiza should move quickly in implementing new strategies, before party tourism is the only culture identified by tourists and they lose lucrative markets. References Author Withheld. (2007). Ibiza. News Weekly, 15(52), p. 2-5. Retrieved May 26, 2008, from Australian/New Zealand Reference Centre database. Bellis, M. , Hughes, K. , Bennett, A. Thomson, R. (2003, April 3). The role of an international nightlife resort in the proliferation of recreational drugs. Addiction, 98(12), 1713-1721. Retrieved April 9, 2008, from Academic Source Premier. Bellis, M. , Hale, G. , Bennett, A. , Chaudry, M. Kilfoyle, M. 2000, April 25). Ibiza Uncovered: changes in substance use and sexual behaviour amongst young people visiting an international night-life resort. International Journal of Drug Policy, 11, 235-244. Retrieved April 9, 2008, from Business Source Premier database. Bellis, M. , Hughes, K. Lowey, H. (2002). Healthy Nightclubs and recreational substance use: from a harm minimization to a healthy setting approach. Addictive behaviours, 27(6), p. 1025. Retrieved May 23, 2008, from Academic Search Premier. Bjortomt, O. (2003, January 12). Ibiza gives young first taste of illicit drugs. The (United Kingdom) Times, p. 1. Retrieved April 10, 2008, from Australian/New Zealand Reference Centre database. Botsford, F. (2001). Clampdown on Ibiza Nightlife. Retrieved May 23, 2008, from http://news. bbc. co. uk/1/hi/world/europe/1435942. stm Chesshyre, T. (2001, July 28). Where drugs are sold like sweets. The (United Kingdom) Times, p. 1. Retrieved April 3, 2008, from Australian/New Zealand Reference Centre database. 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Project management - Essay Example The vision of ASAP entails; realizing a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable Africa, through high quality education. The main objective of the project is to improve the quality of public education in East Africa. In order to achieve its mission and objectives, and work towards realizing vision, the company has adopted effective strategies. The strategies entail seeking the expertise of fulltime and volunteer staffs, and the financial support from international donors. The financial support has enabled ASAP to partner with the community to build schools; for instance, Miririni Secondary School and Chole Primary School. The volunteer program enables groups of Americans to visit during the summer, and assist in building or renovating a school in rural Africa. ASAP has partnered with several international partners, to ensure the success of its quality education activities. The organization is a member of the Clinton Global Initiative. The project used the Millennium Development goals as a guideline, and also benchmark for monitoring and evaluation

Causes of State Failure in Sub-Saharan Africa

Causes of State Failure in Sub-Saharan Africa Abstract This project sets out to examine the causes of the failure of the state in sub-Saharan Africa. Since the introduction of democracy in the sub-continent in the early 1990’s, the process has been a slow and cumbersome, casting doubts on the possibility of instituting genuine democracy on the sub-continent. The political crisis gave room for autocrats who were the fomenters of the problem to eternalize themselves in power in the name of avoiding further conflicts or problems. They have advanced a whole range of different problems as the cause of this crisis where as the problem lies in the absence of a democratic culture or the proper understanding of it. In the words of the great Africanist, the late Professor Ake Claude, the sub-continents problems is but one of leadership crisis. As this dawns on us at a moment when democratic regimes are a necessity in the new global context, how do we solve the problems which have stalled the institution this much cherished democracy? The answer the thesis states lies in the institutionalization of democracy. Introduction The quest for good governments in Africa has been a high priority item on the agenda of African and world politicians for well over half a century. The African continent for several decades now has been replete with ills such as low living standards, a stagnant economy, and high rates of unemployment, poverty, low infrastructural development, a violent political environment, dictatorships, ethnic clashes and above all a general disregard of the fundamental rights of the people. It still grapples with these political uncertainties, economic adversities, and social inequalities today (Chazan, 1999). There is thus a need to device the best means possible by which the state can be organized and empowered so that it deals adequately with these problems. Democracy’s ability to organize society, ensuring the respect of the rights and liberties of the people, pressing for accountable leadership, ensuring effective participation, a transparent economy and a just and equitable social order, in essence ensuring the socio-economic and political prosperity of a nation, which in summary are Africa’s biggest problems, makes it the best possible solution to the problems Africa faces today. As a result, the quest for democracy in Africa has been seen as vital if Africa has to set up a harmonized community that will develop and catch up with the demands of the ever globalizing world. The story of instituting democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa has been a long drawn one, with many highs and lows; several events have made it seem very probable and promising, but also there have been on the other hand other very challenging events which have questioned the possibility of democracy’s survival. As a result, several debates have ensued amongst Africanist, who have focused on a large part on the prospects of democracy on the continent, some arguing that it is doomed to fail and other optimist who believe that a genuine democratic system can and will emerge in sub-Saharan Africa. Their focus therefore have been how democracy can be properly instituted, its challenges and how the inherent problems it faces can be adequately resolved so that Africa will benefit from good governance schemes. There have been several events starting with the legalization of political parties and the return to multiparty elections in the late 1980’s which suggested that democracy was well under way on the continent. But as it was being instituted it faced several challenges which resorted to disorderliness throwing back the move to democracy; new forms of electoral authoritarianism, return to military and in some extreme cases gruesome civil wars broke out on the sub-continent. This has left many critics of African democracy to question the possibility of instituting genuine democracy on the continent, despite it being the choice of the people. Apologist of African democracy have since argued that Africa’s political crisis were as a result of an imposition of a western culture or style of administration which is not compatible with the African society. They consider democracy alien and in violation to the African culture (Ake, 1991). This according to them has been the reason for the failure of democracy. They rather support the one party dictatorial style governance, which they claim is the best means by which the continent can unite to develop (Busia, 1961). Another school of thought which emerged after the transition period, the modernist, advanced reasons for the failure of democracy in Africa, blaming the superficial nature of the state, and its failure to penetrate the African society adequately, calling the state a weak leviathan (Chabal Daloz, 1999). This same school and notably Patrick Chabal note that Africa’s economic crisis does not favor the successful implementation of democracy on the continent. Democracy he argues is underpinned by capitalism, a uniquely dynamic and productive system, in its absence therefore there is doubt that democracy can be successfully instituted on the African sub-continent. This view has also supported the point that democracy is an imposition on Africa and thus will always fail the aspirations of those who seek to implement it on the continent. This thesis therefore sets out to answer some of this cynicism and provide a possible solution for the problems democracy in the African sub-continent faces. If anything democracy has not failed Africa, but Africa as shown by the poor actions of its leader, has failed to grasp the concept of democracy. It sets out trying to systematically bring out how through its political evolution, it is the failure to properly institute democracy during the second wave democratization process which has brought about the political crisis the sub-continent is facing. Secondly if neo-patrimonialism exists and survives today it is because leaders have twisted democratic tenets to suit their whims and caprices, thus legitimizing such authoritative regimes. The set backs it faced during the mid-1990 did not spell doom for democracy, but rather served as an eye opener for Africa. â€Å"The democratic struggle is a gradual process which will emerge from experience and improvisation as it continues to struggle† states professor Claude Ake, who believes that Africa’s experience will develop the best suited type of democracy that will solve its problems (Ake, 1993). Democracy can survive in Africa, but the players and fomenters must take several factors into consideration, like picking up more democratic ethics and tenets and developing a strong united civil society, showing more good will and respect towards their people and the state as opposed to the selfish and greedy attitude which has been noted to be the norm on the sub-continent. With time as adequate steps like institutionalization and consolidation are taken, democracy will be a success story in Africa. This view is also supported by Larry Diamond, who stated inter alia â€Å"†¦ if progress is to be made towards developing democratic governance, it is likely to be gradual messy, fitful and slow, with many imperfections along the way† (Diamond, 1989, p.24). Thus this piece looks at how these imperfections were created and how certain responses will set the sub-continent on track to democratic governance. This thesis starts off by looking at the development of democracy on the African sub-continent in the 1990’s. Chapter one will therefore start off looking at why the third wave started, how it happened and why it was believed to have been the new way for Africa. The case of post independent African politics was very elusive of the masses. The one party patrimonial state had proven to be disastrous, the military regimes which later emerged, preaching immediate growth and development also failed the aspirations of the people and so there was a general move by the people towards democracy. This was in addition to the external pressures that existed at the moment. Thus there was a general surge towards democratic elections in the sub continent, with several parties legalized and the political life of the sub-continent in different countries. Chapter two looks at the break down in the drive towards democracy. Why the democratic frenzy was short lived, only registering limited success across Sub-Saharan Africa. As the concepts of multiparty elections were applied across the sub continent, there were different outcomes with each case being very unique to the different nations. Generally democracy failed to take root. It was cosmetic and a virtual democracy as described by Richard Joseph. It will consider the reasons why this was the case. Given that almost all the countries in the sub-continent held elections of different kinds, did this imply they were all democracies? We will look at the new classifications of African regimes. Considering that they were all at this point considered transitionary. Chapter three starts off by considering the complex nature of democracy. It brings out a list of factors which qualify a state as a democracy or not. It then looks at the regimes on the sub-continent and categorizes them per the 2006 Freedom House Review. These are democracies (11), Hybrid regimes (23) and autocracies (14). Since our focus is on the failing state we shall look at the commonalities and differences between the hybrid and failed/unreformed regimes. In that light we shall bring out the common or popular concern for democracy in Africa which is the misconception democracy suffers and the need for institutionalization. Chapter four now looks at the problems African democracies have faced since inception. Considering the very broad nature and tone the thesis has taken this far, it will consider a case study on the Republic of Cameroon, a country in the Central African region of Africa, which has failed to properly institute democracy till date. It is considered an electoral autocracy and serves as a perfect example of how Africa, fails democracy. The problems this state faces are in effect what most of the states of the Sub-Saharan region face, certain outcomes may differ, but essentially the issues or problems are the same. This study will provide the perfect opportunity of putting into context all the issues that I have raised this far to buttress the point of the thesis, which is that it is the failure to fully understand and properly grasp the concept of democracy that has caused democracy to fail in this country and the sub-continent as a whole. These areas include the formation of political parties, to the electoral process, the narrow political field, constrained civil society, absence of civility, politicized violence and the international support for dictatorships. These points were adequately discussed by Professor Celestin Monga. Chapter five shall be the conclusion to this project in which we shall be looking at possible solutions to the problems raised above. It shall first suggest solutions to the problems duly raised and also consider effective institutionalization through the strengthening of the three tiers of government namely the executive, legislative and judiciary; so that there is a balance in power amongst these three. By applying these solutions in the Cameroonian context and eventually on the sub-continent, the African sub-continent will be brought closer to the mark of consolidated democracies. The Rebirth of Democracy (1990-1993) The period 1989-1993 was considered to be the break point for Africa. This is the period during which Africa witnessed a wave of regime changes. Hitherto to this period, single party, military regimes and presidents for life was the norm in most African states. Competitive politics was considered a luxury by most African leaders who stated that it was neither necessary nor affordable for Africans (Decalo, 1992). This belief was aptly described in the words of Sierra Leonean president at the time Siaka Stevens when he said of democracy and I quote ‘†¦it is a system of institutionalized tribal ethnic quiquennial warfare euphemistically known as elections which is an open invitation to anarchy and disunity’ (Decalo, 1992) a view which was endorsed by Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere who also stated that democracy was stronger with a one party state rule which unified the country. To back up this system of administration, it was claimed that Africa had its own unique history and tradition thus the introduction of democracy was a violation of the integrity of the African culture (Ake, 1991). The African traditional system in its own right, they further argued, was infused with democracy with standards of accountability considered to be stricter than the west, though invariably patrimonial, thus it possessed signs of a democracy-hence a democracy (Ake, 1991). A second argument put forward was the social composition of African states. Because of its plural nature, the introduction of liberal democracy could possibly inflame ethnic rivalries which will result in political disintegration. Democracy they argued was a distraction to what was important for society. It was a thing for elites and the educated masses and ended on paper, it did not provide or cater for the pressing needs of the rural masses. This one party protagonist’s concluded that a patrimonial system was going to unite and direct all positive energy towards economic development (Ake, 1991). Thus African style democracy as it came to be termed of one party politics was considered the best option for Africa given its complex social context, endorsed by most Western governments as shown by their cooperation with them. This ideology was even backed in cases by the World Bank as noted by their remark that â€Å"†¦with weak states, only a bureaucratic authoritarian regime could contain fissiparous tensions and lead to a free market economy†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Decalo, 1992). Africans believed so much in this style of administration Samuel Decalo talks of Mugabe during a state visit to the United States of America in the 80’s, who recommended to the American congress, the one party state system as an option they should consider (Decalo, 1992). A point to note here is the hypocrisy of this political ideology. Despite preaching governments of national unity and socio-economic development, the opposite was being practiced and witnessed in most countries. The presidency and administration became the possession of whatever ethnic group held the presidency. Nepotism was rife and groups were rather occupied with gaining a greater share of the existing pie than working for equitable development (Decalo, 1992). This political practice as a result accentuated the tribal and ethnic divide which existed within the many African states and fuelled anti-government sentiments amongst the population as we shall see below. A change to this political scenario though requisite, was least expected to occur by scholars, in a continent which had shown signs of defiance to a more liberal democracy by sticking to its own developed and formulated ideology of ‘Afro-Marxism’ (Decalo, 1992). There were strong calls both from within and without for a change to the system that was failing to provide adequately for their needs. This saw mass demonstrations, rallies and civil disobedience all calling for the return of democracy and for regime change. This was spawned by the stifling political authoritarianism and economic decay, further triggered by the spectacle of the fall of titans in East Europe (Decalo, 1992). The one party state had yielded a form of presidential authoritarianism, through which the state economy was plundered, there was a disdain for civic and human rights, and little or no attention was paid to the plight of the rural population (Decalo, 1992). Economic projects were failing to materialize; there was the absence of infrastructural development needed for this growth and above all a high rate of unemployment. The military regimes which took over power in certain instances to sweep clean the state failed to return power back to civilian rule and fell into the same predicament by falling short of the efficiency mark. These regimes were thus fundamentally unaccountable, personalized and patrimonial (Decalo, 1992). There were the failures of these regimes that could be considered the primary cause of the call to democracy and multipartyism. The growing urbanization and education of Africans made sensitive to the hostile political and economic environment being created by their leaders, thus they desired liberty and the respect of their rights which had been usurped and abused by this dictatorial one party system. They wanted their grievances listened to and solved by a regime that had been removed from the people, blind and deaf to their problems. The only way to do this was by mass protest against such regimes and seeking to over throw them. Economic related reasons, mainly externally influenced, could be said to be the greatest factors which led to this drive in re-democratization. Africa relied for a large part on international aid and loans to fund most of its activities. The administrative sector was the biggest employer in most countries, thus the money aid they received was used almost entirely on salary payments and carry out government businesses, rather than invest in lucrative businesses which could eventually pay back. Civil servants in the higher echelon were corrupt and embezzled these state funds to fund their luxurious lives. The growth registered within the economy was good but this was not sustainable growth and did not guarantee a future for the economy. Most corporations were state owned and private businesses were not promoted or were largely absent. As a result of all these, donor countries through the IMF and World Bank suggested certain adjustments be made with the governance system if they were to continue offering this aid and loans. This came to be known as the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) which called for African governments to privatize state owned corporations, cut down on its public sector and above all to democratize as conditions to receive aid. This provided a lee way for the dissenting voices of nationals who wanted change. They were joined by civil servants who suffered huge pay cuts and in extreme cases lost their jobs. This situation was further aggravated by the fall in commodity prices in the international markets meaning that African states were pretty much at the mercy of international donors, who wanted change with the regimes. Finally the demise of communism and the end of the Cold War also had an immense impact on the political life of African states. First of all it diverted the attention of investors to the newly liberalized and potential economies of Eastern Europe, thus reducing the amount of capital investments which flowed to the continent, affecting the African economy adversely. Secondly the West no longer supported the dictatorial regimes in Africa as it did during the Cold War days. They withdrew support from these regimes (example of Angola and Togo where they had supported antagonized sectarian groups) asking them to democratize as a condition for continuous aid and loans (Decalo, 1992). This was especially true of France who had since independence maintained a close link with Francophone African states and signed several military accords with African states offering them (military) support when they needed it; the case of Central Africa and the support they offered Idriss Deby against Bedel Bokassa 1990, one authoritarian regime for another. The Apartheid regime of South Africa also did not receive any more support from the West, who had pursued half hearted sanctions against this repressive regime. As soon as the Cold War came to an end, the Apartheid regime under pressure yielded and released Mandela, introducing reforms, forcing other African states to follow suit, who had used this regime to propagate a repressive rule against their citizens. They were thus forced to change. The first shots of democracy in Africa were noted in Benin, when in early 1990, students, civil servants and the whole community took to the streets denouncing the rule of then president, Mathieu Kerekou and calling for what they termed â€Å"a national sovereign conference of all active forces† (Richard Joseph, 1991). This sovereign national conference was to bring together representatives of the different sectors and works of life in a voice of national unity to address the problems of society. In the case of Benin, it resulted in the removal of President Mathieu Kerekou’s control of public policy and the establishment of a transitional government (Richard Joseph, 1991). The outcome of this was received with much delight in other African states and they later began calling for national conferences in their respective countries. This was the case in Togo, Zaire, Congo, Gabon and Cameroon. The out come was not necessarily the same as in the case of Benin, because not all the presidents yielded to such demands, they resisted these popular calls and tried making substantive concessions to the opposition (Richard Joseph, 1991). All in all it marked the beginning of change on the continent as a result of popular demand (democratic will, the voice of the people). All this pressure resulted in the democratization of Africa as noted by the re-legalization of political parties, restored freedoms of association, assembly and expression and also in the reform of constitutions which led to multiparty elections in most sub-Saharan states (Richard Joseph, 1998). Over the brief period of 1990-1994, 54 competitive elections were held in 29 countries with 30 of the electoral outcomes welcomed by the electorates and the process ruled as free and fair by observers (Bratton, 1998). One party rule was noted to have been replaced with more open and participatory competitive democracy. With the influx of these political parties, they were quick at pointing out the short comings of government, its administrative inefficiency, political corruption, economic mismanagement, and social decay (El-Khawas, 2001). Notably between 1990 and 1993, twenty five countries held elections with eleven opposition parties winning and coming to power. Though very commendable, the legalization of opposition parties did not necessarily mean democracy for African countries (Diamond, 1994). Even those who saw regime change sooner than later faced crisis thus questioning the durability of democracy in Africa, because certain cracks were noted in the firmament of this nascent African democracy. Looking at the above, democracy was not brought about by conditions of the west, but rather it was the desire and commitment of the people for accountability and meaningful development from their respective governments, further fuelled by the economic conditions and effects of the SAP, which only came to show how poorly the state was being managed. On the contrary the west could be accused of complacency. As earlier mentioned they had supported these authoritative regimes and cooperated with them. Even after conditions were placed on leverage, they never followed them up or pressed this dictatorial regimes to democratize as in the case of Kenya, Cameroon and Togo just to name a few, to which the international community still offered loans and did not question the actions of these governments like human rights abuse, which drew a lot of criticism from the press and public (Ake, 1991). Therefore the call for democracy was only emboldened by economic factors which brought change at the time to some countries (Benin ousting of Kerekou, Liberia, fall of Samuel Doe) but failed to change regimes in others (Cameroon, Nigeria, Kenya) and can not be said to be the main factor but a mix of both (Ake, 1991). Chapter Three: The Democratic Dark Days Following this run of political liberalization was a period of political violence, wars and crisis in a number of African countries that sent ripples down the nascent democracy in Africa. A critical look at the outcome of the first set of elections organized in the sub-continent drew a lot of criticism from pundits who considered the process as cosmetic and as failing in its objectives. What seemed to have been created on the African sub-continent was a virtual democracy as noted by Richard Joseph (Richard Joseph, 1993). This could be explained by the fact that in a number of African states, the incumbents managed to hang on to power after elections in their states, despite the mass demonstrations against their administrations and rule. It is necessary to remind ourselves here of the popular support democracy enjoyed in the different African states; it was not an orchestration or ploy of an elitist few, but a genuine request by all for change, thus a lot was expected in the form of regime changes across the continent. Despite this, a few countries (11 of the 25 countries that held competitive elections during the period of 1992-1993) and notably Zambia and South Africa managed to see a democratic change in leadership (El-Khawas, 2001). Thus the much anticipated democracy in sub-Saharan Africa was failing to take root. Regimes failed to be changed in Cameroon, Gabon, Congo, Kenya and Ghana just to name a few, despite mass protest and popular support the opposition in these countries enjoyed. Elections were noted to be carried out in a politically tensed atmosphere, characterized by intimidation (house arrest and states of emergency), massive vote rigging and general violence. The experienced leaders with all the powers they wielded violated the rules of the country with impunity and after enjoying the booty they had siphoned from the economy, had every intention of staying in power and as a result did all to ensure their stay in power. ). As a matter of fact, the biblical adage of old wine in new wine skins held true here since there seemed to be nothing new to the political order in a number of states that witnessed elections. The story of ousted leaders on the continent during the military coup days of the 1960’s had not been an envious one; as such they would do anything to preserve power in the event where they had been very reckless with power (Young, 1996; De Walle, 2001). This is what Professor Ake Claude termed the leadership crisis of the continent; according to the professor the African political crisis resulted from the absence of true statesmen, but rather the prominence of those with every intention of ensuring their stay in power or having their own share of the national cake (Ake, 1996). This assertion has been supported by Richard Joseph, who holds that a prebendal system is set up, with entrenched corruption, and the leaders work only for the benefit of themselves and their clients, leaving the locals to their own devices for survival (Joseph, 2003). As such, these leaders organized charades in the name of elections, given that they controlled the judiciary and legislative and with this centralization of power they were able to corner the multitude of opposition parties they had legalized as a disorganizing technique of the opposition (Young, 1996). As such despite their inefficiencies, the leaders found themselves in power with very vindictive policies against opposition strongholds. This was the case in Kenya, Cameroon, Gabon and Ivory Coast, where particular regions and tribes were subject to marginalization and vengeance of the leader. In Kenya, Arap Moi and his cohorts fomented tribal conflicts that led to the death of about 1500 and displaced a further 350,000 in the rift valley area, in Cameroon the Anglophone West Cameroon was massively under represented in the government that was formed following the presidential elections of 1992. Millions of dollars which were funds for other projects were misappropriated to ensure such electoral successes and thus their stay in power (Diamond, 2008; Young, 1996). These leaders were also noted by the international community as having been endorsed by the people, and as a result the West continued its support of these corrupt regimes with poor human right records, and with incumbents who had every intention to continue pillaging the economy as before. The situation generally speaking looked bleak for the African Sub-continent which had received the third wave with such enthusiasm. The democratic quest was dealt further blows when civil wars and genocides broke out in some of the sub-Saharan countries; there was a return of the military to power in others. This period is considered to be the dark moments of African political development. The Congo Basin has been noted as one of the main trouble spots on the continent owing to the manner in which the wars which emanated from this region spread across, affecting all the countries sharing borders. Zaire for starters was under the tight grip of the dictator Mobuto Sese Seko, who did not give into the pressures for democratization. He refused convening a national conference, blaming it on technicalities of representation owing to the ethnic diversity and broadness of Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo-DRC). Thus democracy did not effectively take root there, despite calls for the democratization by the masses. Armed conflicts broke out first in Burundi following the overthrow of the newly elected president Melchior Ndadaye, by Tutsi officers, trying to reinstate Tutsi control over the Tutsi dominated state. In neighboring Rwanda, the Hutu rule came to a halt when following elections in 1994 the Hutu president Juvenal Habyarimana had to form a coalition regime with the Tutsi minority, but was assassinated during the process, giving room to extremist Hutu’s to launch a genocidal raid against the Tutsi’s. These two wars led to the death and displacement of millions further enshrining the problems rocking this continent. The National Resistant Movement (NRM) initiated by Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, an arm movement against dictators in the Central-East of Africa and enjoying the support of western powers and international donors promoted more of the armed conflicts faced by this part of Africa. It supported rebels against the Kabila regime who had earlier ejected Mobuto from power in 1997 (following the wars in Rwanda which gave the rebels led by Kabila the impetus to fight Mobuto) following a fall out between the rebels and Kabila, leading to the Congo war lasting from 1998-2003 Young, 1996; Richard Joseph, 1998). The story of armed conflicts in the wake of an era of democratic elections is numerous on the African continent. One very interesting case to site here is that of Congo-Brazzaville, where democratic tides were considerably reversed following the forceful return to power by Denis Sassou-Nguesso who had earlier been defeated in elections in 1993 (Young, 1996). This was accomplished with the support of France and Angola in front of a dumb struck international community that only muttered on the events that were ravaging the continent. The Liberian and Sierra Leonean cases could also be sited, but given these it is good enough to make our analysis of the democratic struggle in Sub-Saharan continent. These crises resulted in the deaths of millions, refugee problems, food shortages and famines, poverty, a poor economy and low rate of development not only in countries involved, but affected the economy of other states in general as it stalled possible investments in this part of the world. International investors feared investing in a place which did not guarantee the safety of their businesses; they rather invested in the newly democratized states of West Europe. African investors themselves were fleeing with whatever capital they had; leading to massive capital flights and brain drain as whole families sought new places and beginnings. This far Africa was not providing a perfect home for Africans. If anything these moments looked to be supporting the claims of some African democratic skeptics and proponents of African socialism (and thus one party style democracy) that democracy let alone libe

Christianity, Islam and Terrorism :: Threats To World Peace

The ongoing conflicts in Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and other countries of the Middle East and Africa have influenced American public opinion against Muslims. There is a fundamental misconception of what exactly Islam sanctions, encourages, and allows. The tenets of the Islamic faith are, of course, different than those of Christianity, which prevails in America today. However, the two faiths share much in common and there is no rational reason to view Islam as an â€Å"extremist† faith, any more than Christianity should be viewed that way. How do Christianity and Islam differ, and how are they similar? What common ground can be reached between two cultures that clash so violently? While Islam and Christianity are unique and differ in many ways, the two faiths share similar features, that when analyzed rationally, can unite the two cultures under the banner of understanding. The faith of Islam centers itself in the Old and New Testaments of the Bible, just as Christianity does. Old Testament stories appear in the holy book of Islam, the Qur’an, as well as New Testament events. Islam does not dispute the veracity of the Bible, merely adds to it. As a matter of fact, Islam itself claims Old Testament roots. In the Old Testament story of Abraham, Sara, and Hagar, Abraham has two sons – Isma’il (Ishmael) and Isaac. Muslims claim the line of Isma’il as their ancestor, and the Qur’an states, â€Å"We shall worship Thy Allah and the Allah of thy fathers, of Abraham, Isma'il and Isaac, - the one (True) Allah. To Him we bow (in Islam)." 1 â€Å"Father Abraham† is held in high regard in the faith of Islam. It is written in the Holy Qur’an, â€Å"Also mention in the Book (the story of) Abraham: He was a man of Truth, a prophet.†2 Jesus is also frequently mentioned in the Qur’an, not as the son of God, but as a prophet. The miracles He performed are acknowledged as divine acts of God that occurred through him, and it is also acknowledged that he was subject to disbelief at the time. According to the Qur’an, God (or Allah) says to Jesus, â€Å""O Jesus the son of Mary! Recount My favour to thee and to thy mother. Behold! I strengthened thee with the Holy Spirit, so that thou didst speak to the people in childhood and in maturity. Behold! I taught thee the Book and Wisdom, the Law and the Gospel and behold! thou makest out of clay, as it were, the figure of a bird, by My leave, and thou breathest into it and it becometh a bird by My leave, and thou healest those born blind, and the lepers, by My leave.

Neurotransmitter: Neuron and Hormones Function

What Is Neurotransmitter? Neurotransmitter is a chemical that is released from a nerve cell which thereby transmits an impulse from a nerve cell to another nerve, muscle, organ or other tissue. (Webster new world medicine dictionary. http://www. medterms. com/script/main/art. asp? articlekey=9973) What are Hormones? Hormones are chemicals that carry messages from organs of your body to your cells. The glands that secrete hormones are part of the endocrine system (pituitary, thyroid, adrenals and pancreas, to name a few) and work in large part to keep the body’s natural balance in check. (Gary Gills, former about. com January 15, 2009. ttp://type1diabetes. about. com/od/glossaryofdiabetesterms/g/Hormones. ht Give an explanation of two similarities and two differences in how Neurotransmitter and hormones function as messenger. It is believed that the brain contains several hundred different types of chemical messengers (neurotransmitters) that act as communication agents between different brain cells. These chemical messengers are molecular substances that can affect mood, appetite, anxiety, sleep, heart rate, temperature, aggression, fear and many other psychological and physical occurrences. Two differences between neurotransmitter and hormones is . Neurotransmitter has an instantaneously reaction while hormones have a late reaction. This is so because hormones are secreted by the endocrine glands in the bloodstream away from their function site and are carried by the circulation (bloodstream) to the target cell where they are effective. While Neurotransmitter is released at a specialized region of nerve cells and have to diffuses over a small gap (synaptic cleft) to the target cell. 2. Hormones have a long lasting reaction while Neurotransmitters has a short time reaction. http://www. differencebetween. net/science/difference-between-enzymes-and-hormones/

Jobs Essays

Jobs Essays Jobs Essay Jobs Essay This Apple must be as popular as the apple that drove Adam and Eve out of Paradise. And the man responsible behind the success of the famed computer company is its head, Steven Jobs. The famed driving force behind the renaissance of Apple Inc., and the icon that defined global digital entertainment and culture. John Markoffs profile on Steve Jobs in the New York Times dated May 24, 2007, maps the moguls richly colorful career. Jobs founded Apple with Steve Wozniak in 1976, had conflict with Apples executive John Sculley and left in 1985, founded NeXt computer, then in 1986 bought and re-established Lucasfilms computer graphics division as the animation studio Pixar. After a decade in exile, he emerged in 1997 by selling the NeXt operating system to Apple and returning to the company to modernize its computers. Since then, Jobs have introduced the new Mac, churned out the iPod that have withstood giant competitors for years and continues to be an icon in the new generations fashionable gadgets, and have recently unveiled the Apple TV and the iPhone as part of Apples new accessories. Jobs comeback has not been without controversy. Apple had the stocks controversy where they had an internal investigation regarding irregularities in stock options, but Jobs escaped unscathed. He was also diagnosed with pancreatic cancer in 2004, but survived it. In 2006, he has sold his Pixar studio to Disney and has since joined Disneys board of directors. Jobs keeps focused on Apple though. Steve Jobs is an effective leader for a variety of reasons: he had vision, he had innovation, he had determination, he had influence, and most importantly he had passion. Jobs is known in the industry for his leadership qualities, his motivation to succeed, and his dedication to his work. He believed in his vision, he knew what he wanted Apple to be, and after years of difficulties, he had emerged victor and have turned the dying company alive again. To begin with, he founded his own company with his partner Wozniak and hired the people he deemed the best. He was twenty-one years old when he first established Apple, and sought out an experienced manager to help him make his dreams for the company come true. He found Sculley, a decision he would later regret when he was sidelined in the company he helped built. Despite these setbacks, Jobs did not give up. He believed in the power of computing technology, and moved on from Apple to starting his own computer company NeXt and kept at it even though it did not have a lucrative market. Ten years after, Apple bought NeXt from Jobs and had him back as CEO to reverse Apples near bankruptcy into profitability. If Jobs let go of his vision, he would not have gotten back full reins of Apple because he would have given up when he nobody believed in his progressive beliefs and ideas. In the same way, he believed in innovation. He dared to go where no one has gone before. He believed aesthetic design and aggressive marketing to be as important as the software and hardware themselves. He did not sacrifice the capabilities of a product just to achieve a certain aesthetically pleasing design, nor did he prioritize design over competence. Instead, he pushed their products to accommodate both. He presented the iPod amidst speculations that it will not be able to debunk Sonys Discman, despite consumer anxiety that it was not compatible with existing Microsoft software, and the hazy prospect of buying songs online. The iPod has undergone five generations, and recently released the latest iPod touch, and continues to be the leading music device of the generation. Jobs exhibited determination, one of the main reasons behind his success. He would not accept failure quietly he learned from his past mistakes and continued what he loved to do, his passion. He continued experimenting and developing computers even after his demise at Apple. Further, he expanded his horizons and bought Lucasfilms computer graphic division and repackaged it as Pixar. Pixar has then become the leading animation studio in the industry, attracting the attention of Disney that led to its eventual induction with the animation giant. Jobs’ determination was, in a way, indicative of his burning passion for his chosen field he had the vision, the dream, and poured everything he had into it. Lastly, what makes Jobs an effective leader is his influence. An individual is not a leader if he has no influence over others, if he cannot motivate them, share his vision with them. Apple and Pixar are successes because Jobs’ people believed in him and in his dreams. They followed where he wanted to go, and trusted his decisions. When he first left Apple, a handful who believed in him followed him to set up NeXt despite witnessing a major setback Jobs faced at his former company. A decade later, Apple have turned around and asked for Jobs help when they were in the brink of annihilation. They needed NeXt to breathe life back to the dying company, and Jobs took over. At first the employees were fearful of Jobs because he might fire them on the spot, but later on their affinity with the company increased when Apple started taking off. Jobs was proud, and he was proud of his company. As Apple’s stocks soared, Jobs congratulated the members of his company for the momentou s day. His effectiveness as a leader might be measured by the risen value of the company that he runs, but more significant than that was his ability to create the brand Apple and inculcate it in the minds and lifestyles of the millions of iPod owners worldwide. Even beyond his company, Jobs exercises influence over technology trends and consumer choices. He is a powerful voice in the shareability and piracy of media. He is a trendsetter and the innovation that he spearheads influences the direction of the competition between him and other companies perhaps the most significant indicative factor of his ability to influence. Indeed, it his ability to influence others because of his sheer faith that made his employees believe that the sinking ship that was Apple could actually be saved. And it was, under his strong leadership.

Torture in Modern Society Essay

Torture in Modern Society Essay Free Online Research Papers â€Å"Woman soldier in Iraq committed suicide, upset over torture of prisoners† (Anonymous 6). Such a headline instantly strikes the reader’s mind by bringing them an idea of how harsh torture can be these days. During the war on terror in Iraq, several American troops used a variety of severe torture methods on prisoners of war. Those who were found guilty received long term prison sentences. Also, in the United States, the CIA had developed special interrogation rules for the U.S military interrogators to use on captured prisoners. However, American interrogators went completely against the rules in Iraq. In the Journey into the Whirlwind, Ginzburg mentions information from her personal experience regarding the interrogation and torture methods used on prisoners during Stalin’s purges. By comparing those methods to the ones used by Americans in Iraq, a clear picture can be formed to show how sadistic and inhumane relationships to prisoners of war in today’s society are, despite the fact that Stalin’s purges are now seen as a terrible catastrophe- Americans did not learn the lesson. Throughout her book, Ginzburg undergoes a series of interrogation procedures. Most of these procedures consist only of psychological approaches; however, there are some instances of applied physical force, consisting of beating or kicking the victim in different areas of the body. Interrogators practice making intimidating facial expressions before the initial meetings with their victims, in order to fill them with fear and break them down psychologically: â€Å"I learned that this grimace was part of the interrogators’ stock in trade and that they were made to practice it before a looking glass. But seeing it for the first time, I felt sure that it expressed Vevers’s own attitude to me personally† (Ginzburg 49). After striking victims with fear, interrogators then ask a variety of questions to make them confess and sign falsified documents: â€Å"It is known to the investigators that you belonged to a secret terrorist organization among the editorial staff of R ed Tartary. Do you admit this?† (Ginzburg 50). Most victims can’t take all the false accusations or beatings and sign the documents. This enables them to get out of prison, however, there is no way for them to escape death because the secret police follow and eventually shoot them. Those who don’t give in, like Ginzburg, are put into cells and constantly undergo the same interrogation cycles. Probably the strongest method of interrogation which Ginzburg experiences is called the â€Å"conveyor belt†. This is an uninterrupted process of questioning by a changing team of interrogators, where the victim is put into a room, usually for a couple of days, and is questioned non-stop without any sleep or food. There is absolutely no physical force applied to the victim using this method. As Ginzburg said: â€Å"The object of the conveyor belt is to wear out the nerves, weaken the body, break resistance, and force the prisoner to sign whatever is required† ( Ginzburg 83). Looking at the procedures above, Ginzburg didn’t experience any physical injuries nor was she drugged or sexually humiliated. This was different in comparison to what some prisoners in Iraq went through under U.S. supervision. During the war on terror in Iraq, a lot of information about the actual events leaked out. For a number of years, the CIA had a fixed set of rules for American interrogators to use on captured prisoners. These consisted of physical methods such as beatings. However, these methods later proved to them that the information they retrieve from their victims is usually unreliable. Eventually, these were later replaced by more, what the CIA believes, efficient psychological methods. These new methods were used on prisoners in Iraq by the U.S military. According to U.S. officials and former prisoners, â€Å"detainees have been stripped naked, covered with hoods, deprived of sleep and light, and made to stand or sit in painful positions for extended periods. Some have been drugged. Sexual humiliation is not unheard of† (Ripley 1). Even though these methods didn’t inflict any physical injuries to the prisoners, they still lead to â€Å"prolonged psychological problems which are far more disabling than the physical pain, leading to suicide or coma† (Ripley 1). Due to the cruel nature of this, the Geneva Convention required that prisoners who underwent such mistreatments be paid â€Å"daily wages† (Ripley 1). The interrogation methods used by the U.S. military were far more dehumanizing and unlawful towards humanity in comparison to Ginzburg’s experiences. Besides the interrogations, Ginzburg mentions about some of the torture means she experiences while in prison. At first, prisoners aren’t tortured by physical means, such as beatings. However, one day, after coming back to her cell, Ginzburg finds one of her cell mates, Zina, lying on the floor, badly bruised: â€Å"On the floor, beside the slop pail, lay Zina. Her white blouse, crumpled, torn, and blood-stained, now looked like a wounded bird. There was a huge bruise on her bare shoulder. We stared in horror. So it had begun! This was the first case (at any rate, the first we had seen) of a woman being beaten during interrogation† (Ginzburg 124). Apart from this, another time when Ginzburg experiences physical torture is when a warder, â€Å"Nabob†, punches her in the stomach and twists her arms, tying her hands with a towel. Luckily, for Ginzburg, she isn’t raped. Basically, the only physical methods of torture Ginzburg experiences are beatings. No other harsh methods are involved. Besides the limited physical tortures, the majority of other tortures Ginzburg experiences are psychological. To try and make her confess to the false accusations, the interrogators put Ginzburg through an extended period of hunger, where she â€Å"eats nothing for a week except a chunk of black bread washed down with hot water† (Ginzburg 67). Keeping prisoners from food for days is one of the psychological torture tactics interrogators use. Also, in order to make every prisoner as uncomfortable and intolerant as possible, the interrogators put more prisoners into a cell than the minimum capacity allowed: â€Å"The cell, which was meant for three, already held five; I was the sixth† (Ginzburg 104). In addition to that, there were â€Å"three wooden bunks and a single large plank bed† (Ginzburg 104). The cells contain rodents and cockroaches. Prisoners have to take turns to sleep on the bed; those without beds sleep on the floor. There is also no light in the cells and prisoners experience eye pain after reading books borrowed from the library. Another form of psychological torture Ginburg experiences is â€Å"The Punishment Cell†, where she is put in half-naked, and left for a certain period of time to withstand the cold and dampness of the cell. These are some methods of psychological torture interrogators use continuously on prisoners. After undergoing such methods, most prisoners become insane and develop an intense desire to get out of prison, therefore confessing to the false accusations and signing documents. However, none of them undergo acts of extreme sadism or forced sex. Unfortunately, things weren’t the same for Iraqi prisoners who were mistreated by American troops. During the reign of Saddam Hussein, the infamous Abu Ghraib prison kept numerous Iraqi prisoners. The conditions were horrible with endless tortures and executions. When the United States occupied Iraq, Abu Ghraib was completely renovated, with some additional facilities added. Most of the world thought that since the Americans had taken over, all the tortures that went on will slowly come to an end. However, after extremely sensitive information of the prison activities was uncovered, citizens of the world were shocked. According to the investigators of the Red Cross, â€Å"Military intelligence used physical and psychological methods of coercion such as Hooding. This prevented prisoners from seeing, disoriented them and prevented them from breathing freely. Hooding was also used in conjunction with beatings thus increasing anxiety as to when blows would come† (Danner 6). Another method used was â€Å"handcuffing with flexi-cuffs, sometimes made so tight and used for such ex tended periods that they caused long-term after affects on hands (nerve damage)† (Danner 6). Prisoners were also â€Å"beat with hard objects such as pistols and rifles; attached to cell doors in humiliating (i.e. naked) or uncomfortable positions; exposed while hooded to loud music or to the sun for several hours during the hottest time of the day† (Danner 6). This wasn’t all. There was also information uncovered about some of the â€Å"unusual methods† used. Some of these consisted of â€Å"breaking of chemical lights and pouring the phosphoric liquid on detainees; sodomizing detainees with a chemical light or a broom stick; using military working dogs to frighten and intimidate detainees† (Danner 8). Probably the most shocking pieces of evidence were the graphic photographs, taken at the time prisoners were abused. The article â€Å"Torture at Abu Ghraib† from The New Yorker, gives a description of the sadistic activities in the photographs: â€Å"In one, Private England, a cigarette dangling from her mouth, is giving a jaunty thumbs-up sign and pointing at the genitals of a young Iraqi, who is naked except for a sandbag over his head, as he masturbates. Three other hooded and naked Iraqi prisoners are shown, hands reflexively crossed over their genitals. A fifth prisoner has his hands at his sides. In another, England stands arm in arm with Specialist Graner; both are grinning and giving the thumbs-up behind a cluster of perhaps seven naked Iraqis, knees bent, piled clumsily on top of each other in a pyramid. There is another photograph of a cluster of naked prisoners, again piled in a pyramid. Near them stands Graner, smiling, his arms crossed; a woman soldier stands in front of him, bending over, and she, too, is smiling. Then, there is another cluster of hooded bodies, with a female soldier standing in front, taking photographs. Yet another photograph shows a kneeling, naked, unhooded male prisoner, head momentarily turned away from the camera, posed to make it appear that he is performing oral sex on another male prisoner, who is naked and hooded† (Hersh 2). By forcing prisoners into such absurd activities, American soldiers went completely â€Å"against the laws of every culture, especially Islamic law, where it is humiliating for men to be naked in front of other men† (Hersh 2). In general, the methods of torture American troops used on Iraqi prisoners consisted of a large variety of extremely inhumane and sadistic acts. The levels of sadism and violence of the troops in Iraq went far beyond the descriptions of Ginzburg’s experiences. In conclusion, after reading this paper, the audience will get an idea that people will never learn from the mistakes which happened in the past, such as torture of innocent people during Stalin’s purges. Instead of making sure that such things will never take occur again, people become even more violent and sadistic. An example of this was what some of the American troops did to the Iraqi prisoners. Such a pattern will continue forever, unless some drastic measures are taken. Perhaps if someone who has high authority reads this paper, they will understand that monitoring the appropriateness of troops’ activities during interrogations should be the highest priority. If more effort was put into that in Abu Ghraib, the horrible events which took place could have been avoided and America’s image wouldn’t have been ruined because of a particular group of sadistic troops. Research Papers on Torture in Modern Society EssayCapital Punishment19 Century Society: A Deeply Divided EraThe Effects of Illegal ImmigrationHip-Hop is ArtQuebec and CanadaThe Masque of the Red Death Room meaningsAnalysis Of A Cosmetics AdvertisementEffects of Television Violence on ChildrenThe Spring and AutumnAppeasement Policy Towards the Outbreak of World War 2

Does developing consensus of Appropriation (COA) among team members of Essay

Does developing consensus of Appropriation (COA) among team members of the virtual environment have a major influence on the outcome of effective collaboration - Essay Example The frame work used for this study was Adaptive Structuration Theory (AST) which is based on Anthony Giddens Structuration theory (DeSanctis & Poole, 1994). From the study, we can conclude that the results acquired are controversial and do not present the complete picture of the research on consensus of appropriation due to various limitations. In the past information technology primarily supported business functions by just improving the efficiency. Advanced information technologies (AIT) are designed to support coordination along with interpersonal communication which epitomize to a new class of information technologies ( DeSanctis and Poole 1994). Adopting the Adaptive Structuration Theory Framework (AST) emphasizes how Advance Information Technology is used to mediate any influence on the effective collaboration in a GDSS system. The effective use of Group Support systems (GSS) to aid work in small groups has been an important topic of research since the mid 1980s as the major focus was on the technology rather than the factors which influence the outcome of effective collaboration in GSS. GDSS aims to improve the process of decision making by removing communication barriers. The factors influencing group problem solving include: reluctance to participate, inconsistent views about the problem's components and their rel ationships, undue dominance by one individual in the group, tendency towards premature convergence, unproductive avoidance or escalation of conflict, and issues of leadership (DeSanctis, 1996).It is interesting to look at the impact of developing consensus of Appropriation (COA) among team members of the virtual environment and whether it has a major influence on the outcome of effective collaboration. The impact of technology appropriation and consensus development on the collaboration effectiveness of the virtual groups is the topic which has certain perspectives for the further research, and the basis for such assumption lies in the fact that the rates of technological development at present are the highest, and their impact on the human life and on the decision outcomes as a part of the virtual groups' performance should not be underestimated. This is why I decided to make this topic the subject of my research, using the Adaptive Structuration Theory and literary resources as the basis for the analysis and discussion of the results acquired. Background The data set used for analysis was taken from the second semester of 2003 which was a joint effort between the first year students at Uppsala University at Sweden and the third year students of Auckland University of Technology (AUT) in New Zealand. The collaborative database was developed using Lotus Notes at the school of computing and Information Sciences, AUT. The online collaboration consists of two phases. The first phase is Icebreaking activity which actually allows different users to introduce themselves and get familiar with the database in order to explore different features of it. . At the end of the phase one, the user evaluates and comments on the icebreaking task. The next phase is the group decision phase in which the group members had to evaluate 3 websites and accordingly rank them based on group

SARS Treatment Methods Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3250 words

SARS Treatment Methods - Research Paper Example Since SARS is almost impossible to extinguish from the face of the planet Earth, the fear of this disease has existed since it first appeared among the populations in 2003, making it a powerful weapon against the fearful populations that never truly goes away. The primary source comes from the American Medical Association (AMA). AMA collects data on disease outbreaks, as well as research and activism related to health (AMAa). Its mission and guiding principles focus on the belief that a corporate association can promote ethical approaches to patients, further innovations in the field, and set standards for other physicians and medical students, among other things (AMAb). It also acts as support to physicians on legal issues by providing information on antitrust laws and physician payment filing (AMAc). The AMA website contains 64 different sources on the word â€Å"SARS† (AMAd). Resources range from definitions of the disease, to clinician infections and health system preparedness (AMAd). Information through articles is provided on international SARS outbreaks as well (AMAd). AMA provides links to other organizations, such as the World Health Organization (WHO). AMA also focuses on other infectious diseases. Besides SARS, AMA also provides information on â€Å"tuberculosis, influenza, viral hepatitis, HIV/AIDS, bloodborne and foodborne pathogens †¦ allergies, meningitis and many others† (AMAe). Information provided comes in form of â€Å"extensive reports, fact sheets, toolkits and links to then latest research† (AMAe). ... 2003 Detection and Responses to SARS In November 2002, SARS contagions began in Foshan City (Kaufman 53 - 54). This city is located in the South of China, where large numbers of pigs and chickens live in close proximity to humans (Kaufman 54). Thus, this area is known for virus mutations and disease outbreaks among humans (Kaufman 54). Symptoms of SARS are similar to flu. According to the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), symptoms start with an increased bodily temperature above 38 Celsius degrees (1). Other symptoms might follow: bone ache, headache, and feeling of discomfort, diarrhea, dry cough and finally, pneumonia (CDC 1). However, China, unlike other countries, attempted to hide SARS outbreaks. As the outbreaks set in, the Chinese government covered them up, thus allowing the infected to travel abroad and infect more persons (Kaufman 54). As a result, the contagion became global, instead of being only isolated to a few areas in China. By January 2003, when autho rities were secretly notified, disease had spread across the entire region. However, the public was still kept unaware (Kaufman 54). According to Kaufman, the justification for secrecy lies in the fact that pneumonia was not required to be reported to the public (54). WHO acted a few months later. According to Bloom, one of the top WHO infectious disease specialists was infected by SARS in March of 2003 in Hanoi (701). The specialist died. Rumors spread about additional contagions in China (Bloom 701). Once WHO was alerted by a health computer logarithm, on February 11 the Chinese authorities reported the epidemic (Kaufman 55). It was in April that WHO was allowed to access the area (Kaufman